Implications of a hung CA
By DR BIPIN ADHIKARI
http://www.kantipuronline.com/kolnews.php?&nid=146272
The Kathmandu Post, May 8, २००८
The Interim Constitution of Nepal 2007, which pledged a Constituent Assembly (CA) to the people, has done so without enumerating its constituent powers whatsoever.
All that this constitution provides for is a guarantee of the basic rights of the Nepali people to participate in a free and impartial election to the CA and frame a constitution for themselves through this organ। The Interim Constitution does not guarantee that the sovereign house will have no limitations in its constituent powers or that it will not be constrained by the decisions of the interim legislature or the interim government on the basis of this constitution or by any executive agreement that it has signed with rebellious groups in the pre-election period.
As such, the guarantee of the basic rights of the Nepali people to frame a new constitution does not imply the unencumbered sovereign capacity of the CA to draft a new constitution of its choice without any limitations on its powers.
The assembly is intended to operate within two concrete a priori formulations। Article 159 declares that (a) Nepal shall be a federal state and (b) a country with a democratic republican setup। The first formulation concerns sharing of sovereign powers between political units, which do not exist till now in the Nepali consciousness, and the second concerns dispensing with the monarchy, which allegedly lost its credibility in the fight against the Maoists.
As to these preconditions, while the nature of the federal state is something still to be worked on, Article 159 requires that the transition to a republic be made at the first meeting of the CA। To give effect to this formulation, the parties in the alliance even dropped the clause requiring a simple parliamentary majority by the third amendment to the Constitution.
It is just by chance that the operation of this provision is tied to Article 75 which ensures that all questions submitted for a decision to the CA, except as otherwise provided in Part 7 of the constitution, must be decided by a majority vote of the members present and voting. Accordingly, the alleged first meeting must also pass a motion to this effect by a working majority in the House in order to abolish the monarchy.
Similarly, the constitutional declaration that Nepal shall be a federal state comes ahead of its due date। Ordinarily, it is the elected delegates of the CA, who have the responsibility of deciding what form of government is best for Nepal, who should make the decision. With this clause inserted into the constitution, the debate has now been carefully shifted to the issue of autonomy, which had not been the demand of the natives of this country so far.
This shows the enormity of the contradictions that the CA finds itself in. A genuine CA by definition can only be convoked under conditions of full democratic liberties of the delegates, permitting the participation of all the parties concerned, and without any external or internal limitations on its constitution making powers.
A CA is not a legislature that is supposed to be governed under express or implied limitations on its constituent powers। It is a self-sufficient source of power from which all specifics of a state are to be derived. As a corollary, it should be able to exert paramount control over the constitution while making the frame of the government and its administration. While the Interim Constitution might have given birth to the CA in the normal course of political development, the assembly can chart out its future ways without any guidance from the parent document and forge ahead with its own terms and conditions. Otherwise, there is no difference between a normal legislature and a CA intending to give a fresh start.
However, the faulty Interim Constitution has outsmarted its architects in two very surprising ways. First, as far as the general rule of the constitution is concerned, the members of the CA must vote on each and every article of the draft constitution in order to pass it; and failing unanimous passage of the motion, at least two-thirds of the total members of the CA must give it a unanimous exit to turn it into the new constitution.
So, even if the first meeting of the assembly, for example, were to abolish the monarchy and establish a republican state by a simple majority, the move cannot in anyway pre-empt the power of the CA members to reintroduce a new motion restoring the monarchy in due time and pass it by a two-thirds majority। There is nothing in the constitution which can restrain this motion; and as long as there are people in the House to table such a motion and to support it by a required strength, the monarch is here to stay. This means that, contrary to popular belief, the king's fate will remain undecided until the new constitution is promulgated. Same with the declaration of a federal state.
Secondly, the faulty system of proportional representation that the architects of the Interim Constitution introduced with little knowledge of the ensuing structure has already generated a mixed political lot in the assembly. As no party has an outright majority, what we have is a hung CA, and there are many parties in the House which do not share the political platform of the Seven-Party Alliance (which had monopolized the process of drafting the Interim Constitution). The House is compelled to work with these uneasy political partners.
As the constitution does not provide for the dissolution of the assembly on any ground, except when the objective has been accomplished, a hung assembly is bound to work out either a coalition government or a minority government with the support of these backbenchers। The requirement of a two-thirds majority in the constitution making process will force the ruling elite to redefine issues like federalism and monarchy in the overall context of the state's restructuring. The smaller parties in power will make a lot of difference when major constitutional policies are sorted out in the House.
There are some who have already started an exercise (in futility) to help produce a national government eliminating the prospect of any opposition in the constitution making process. The Seven-Party Alliance is almost an exercise of this type, which has already served its purpose. But it is inconceivable that it can continue any longer in the new scenario. In any case, such a national government has a very poor reputation historically. Whether it is the national government of GP Koirala (2006-08) or of British Prime Ministers Ramsay MacDonald, Stanley Baldwin and Neville Chamberlain (which held office from 1931 until 1940), all have been a liability to the nation. Fortunately, a loyal opposition is going to be prominent in Nepal for the next two years. This opposition is going to make sure that the nation is in safe hands.
Additionally, a coalition government led by a party which has lost its credibility before the majority of the people can be equally destructive to the cause of the nation। Nepal is surely familiar with the hung parliament after 1995. It is perhaps not out of place to mention that even in the 1974 general election in the UK, sitting Prime Minister Edward Heath had refused to resign at first, attempting to build a coalition government despite winning fewer seats than the then opposition Labour Party. So if Prime Minister Koirala is still trying to hang on to his post, it should come as no surprise. But the House itself is going to take offence against such ambitions.
The structural limits on the power of the CA and unauthorized normative or inspirational impositions are going to grow fainter due to the operation of the hung CA. This is good for the country.
lawyers_inc_nepal@yahoo।com
Posted on: 2008-05-07 20:01:25 (Server Time)
Wednesday, May 7, 2008
Tuesday, May 6, 2008
संघीय शासनको सान्दर्भिकता
डा विपिन अधिकारी
http://www.kantipuronline.com/kolnepalinews.php?nid=141810
The Kantipur Daily, March 25, 2008 (Chait 12, 2064)
क्यानाडाको क्विन्स विश्वविद्यालयका प्राध्यापक रोनाल्ड वाट्सको 'एकात्मक राज्यप्रणाली विखण्डनकारी हुन्छ' शर्ीष्ाकमा दि काठमाडौं पोष्टमा छापिएको एउटा अन्तर्वार्ताले धेरैको ध्यानाकर्षा गरेको छ । संघीयताका विद्वान र अनुभवी वाट्सको दाबी के छ भने जात, धर्म, जातीयताका आधारमा नभए पनि जनसंख्या, भूगोल, आर्थिक विकासजस्ता विविध आधारमा नेपाललाई संघीय संरचनामा बदल्न सकिन्छ । उनको भनाइमा विखण्डन रोक्न संघीयता जरुरी छ । यसो त विखण्डनका आन्दोलन संघीय राज्यमा पनि भएका छन् । यसै आधारमा मात्र मुलुकको संविधान एकात्मक हुने वा संघीय हुने विवेचना गरिनु हु“दैन । यसबाहेक पनि वाट्सका अन्य भनाइ नेपालका लागि कति सान्दर्भिक छन्, यकिन गर्न जरुरी छ ।
संघीयता आफैंमा नराम्रो प्रचलन होइन । विश्वका करिब दर्ुइ दर्जनबाहेक सबै मुलुकमा एकात्मक राज्यप्रणाली छ । कतिपय मुलुक पर्ूण्ा प्रजातान्त्रिक छन् र आर्थिक विकासका दृष्टिले प्रगतिशील पनि मानिन्छन् । संघीयता अपनाउने मुलुकमध्ये पनि मलेसिया तथा भारतजस्ता आधाभन्दा बढी मुलुकको शक्ति विभाजन केन्द्रीयताको पक्षमै देखिन्छ । औंलामा गन्न सकिने देशले मात्र राज्य र संघलाई समान हैसियतमा स्वीकार गरेका छन् । तथाकथित आत्मनिर्ण्र्ााो अधिकार ग्यारेन्टी गर्ने मुलुक
दर्ुलभ छन् ।
प्रचार-प्रसार गरिएजति एकात्मक शासन लोकप्रिय शासन प्रणाली होइन भन्ने दाबी शंंकास्पद मान्नर्ुपर्छ । स्पेन तथा बेल्जियमजस्ता देशले आफूलाई निश्चित राजनीतिक यथार्थका आधारमा संघीयतामा परिणत गरेको सत्य हो । परिवर्तित अवस्थामा पनि उनीहरूम्ााझ एकात्मक विशेषता नभएका होइनन् । कपडाको जुत्ता लगाउने कि छालाको भन्ने प्रश्नको निरूपण कुनै पनि देशको धरातलीय यथार्थका आधारमा गरिनर्ुपर्छ । त्यस आधारमा नेपालले संघीयतामा हामफाली हाल्नुपर्ने कुनै विशेष आकर्षा छैन ।
संघीय शासन पद्धति किन भन्ने उचित जवाफ भेटिएको छैन । नेकपा -माओवादी) को राजनीतिक कार्यक्रमको रूपमा सुरुदेखि स्थापित यो विषय हाल मधेसमुखी दलले ज्ाोडतोडले उठाएका छन् । उनीहरूका एजेन्डा बढी आक्रामक तथा सनातनी संघीयताको व्यवस्था - जस्तो संयुक्त राज्य अमेरिका वा क्यानाडा) तर्फउन्मुख प्रस्टै छ । यसका दर्ुइ कारण छन्, पहिलो, संघीयताको आधार भनेको राजनीतिक इकाइका रूपमा राज्यहरूको स्वतन्त्र अस्तित्व तथा आत्मनिर्ण्र्ााो अधिकार प्रयोग गर्न सकिने स्थिति हो । दोस्रो, विगतमा स्पष्ट आधार नभेटिए पनि ऐतिहासिक राजनीतिक इकाइको रूपमा आफूलाई स्थापित गराउने चाहना हो । अन्य दल मूलभूत रूपमा पछाडि परेका जाति तथा समुदायको सशक्तिकरणको उद्देश्यबाट निर्देशित देखिन्छन् । संघीयतै किन भन्नेमा उनीहरू दिग्भ्रमित छन् । मधेसमुखी दलहरूले संघीयतालाई सामरिक दृष्टिकोणले हेरिदि“दा उनीहरूका अप्ठेरा झन् दर्ुइ गुना बढेका छन् । कुनै पार्टर्ीीनि एकात्मक राज्य पद्धति विरोधी देखि“दैनन् । अहिलेको बाह्य प्रभाव र निर्देशित राजनीतिक वातावरणमा धान्नैपर्ने राजनीतिक कार्यक्रमका रूपमा संघीयता स्वीकार गर्न बाध्य देखिन्छछन् ।
एकात्मक राज्यकै रूपमा रहनु नेपालको राष्ट्रिय स्वार्थ अनुकूल छ । एकात्मकता राष्ट्रिय एकताको प्रतीक हो । एकात्मक राज्यमा दक्ष एवं कुशल शासन तथा नीति निर्धारण तथा राज्य सञ्चालन कार्य सजिलो हुन्छ । राष्ट्रप्रतिको निष्ठा तथा भक्तिलाई अंशबन्डा गर्नुपर्ने स्थिति हु“दैन । राज्य इकाइ र संघबीच शक्ति विभाजन दुर्बोध्य काम हो । मुलुकलाई विभिन्न राज्य इकाइबीच संर्घष्ाको घानमा हाल्नुु हु“दैन । संविधान तथा कानुनमा संशोधन पनि एकात्मक व्यवस्थामै सजिलो हुन्छ । अप्ठेरा परिस्थिति तथा विशेष अवसर तथा चुनौती सामना गर्ने क्षमता पनि एकात्मक सरकारमा बढी हुन्छ । र्
खर्चको हिसाबले अहिलेको परिपाटी संघीय परिपाटीभन्दा फाइदाजनक हुन्छ । शान्ति सुरक्षाजस्ता विषय र त्यसभन्दा पनि संकटकालीन स्थितिमा अहिलेको प्रणाली र्सवाधिक उपयुक्त हुन्छ । नेपाल आर्थिक विकासका सम्भावना तथा भूमण्डलीकरणको परिपे्रक्ष्यमा साहसी निर्ण्र्ाालिने क्षमतावान तथा फर्ुर्तिलो हुन आवश्यक छ । आज अमेरिका तथा क्यानाडा जस्ता देशले नया“ संविधान बनाउने हो भने यस्तो संविधान बनाउनेछन्, जसले शक्तिशाली केन्द्रीय सरकार सुनिश्चित गर्न सकोस् । त्यस्तो सरकारले मात्र राष्ट्रको सुरक्षा तथा प्रतिरक्षा गर्न सक्छ ।
नेपालमा नेपाली जातिको इच्छा र आकांक्षा परिवर्तनको बाहक हुनपाएको छैन । शदीऔंदेखि एकात्मक राज्यका रूपमा रहेको नेपाल तथा सामाजिक-आर्थिक तथा भावनात्मक रूपमा पनि अखण्ड राष्ट्रको स्वाभिमान स्थापित भइसकेको मुलुकको राजनीतिक धरातल बलपर्ूवक परिवर्तन गरी सिमान्तीकृत गर्नुपर्ने कारण बुझ्न सकिएको छैन । संघीयताको नाममा देशलाई दस चिरा पारेर यसबाट अक्षम राजनीतिज्ञ तथा संंकर्ीण्ा पक्षपोषकका लागि अवसर सिर्जना भने गर्न सकिन्छ ।
जतिसुकै ढिपी गरे पनि ऊबेलाको अमेरिकामाजस्तो नेपालीम्ाा राज्य वा समुदायहरूको संघीय राज्य बनाउने सांगठनिक क्षमता तथा त्यसलाई निर्देशन दिने जेर्फसन वा जेम्स मेडिसनजस्ता क्षमतावान नेता प्ानि छैनन् । हाम्रो राजनीतिक नेतृत्वको क्षमता, स्तर वा विवेक निकट भविष्यमै चमत्कारिक ढंगले बढ्ने सम्भावना पनि छैन । विभाजित राज्यप्रणाली समन्वय गरी एकताको सूत्रमा बा“ध्नसक्ने सांगठनिक क्षमता तथा नेतृत्व विकास हुन समय लाग्नेछ ।
प्रजातन्त्र विकासको औजार पनि हो । नेपालमा स्थानीय स्वशासनलाई धेरै वर्षेखि यसै अर्थमा हेरि“दैछ । कतिपय क्षेत्रमा राम्रा तथा उल्लेखनीय काम भएका छन् भने कतिपयमा सुधारका टड्कारा सम्भावना देखिएका छन् । एकात्मक स्वरूपभित्र राज्यको पुनःसंरचना हुनसक्ने तथा पीडित वा उपेक्षित जाति तथा समुदायको अधिकारको ग्यारेन्टी तथा स्थानीय स्वशासन गर्न सकिने स्थिति सधैं छ । उनीहरूले खोजेको समानता तथा सहभागिता कार्यान्वयन गर्न देशको शक्ति तथा सम्भावना निर्वाध प्रयोग गर्न सकिने स्थिति छ । यति हु“दाहु“दै पनि यो मुलुकलाई सम्झौताबाट स्थापित राज्यका रूपमा पुनःलेखन गर्न किन पर्यो, आर्श्चर्य लाग्छ । दलित, जनजाति वा मधेसीलाई सशक्तिकरण गर्ने उद्देश्य हो भने केन्द्रीय शासनको मूलधारमा उनीहरूलाई सिधै स्थापित किन गरि“दैन -
नेपाललाई एकात्मक राज्यको अवधारणामै विकास निर्माण गरिनर्ुपर्छ भन्नु अहिलेको राजनीतिक वा प्रशासनिक स्वरूपलाई निरन्तरता दिनर्ुपर्छ भन्ने होइन । सही कार्यका लागि कर्ुतर्कले जित्न आवश्यक छैन । क्षेत्रीय विकासका आवश्यकता तथा राष्ट्रिय एकतालाई स“गस“गै लान सकिन्छ । स्थानीय स्वशासन बलियो बनाई संघीयताका आधार निरन्तर प्रयासबाट बिस्तारै आर्जन गर्न सकिन्छ । स्थानीय स्तरमा र्सार्वजनिक कार्यहरूप्रति उदासीनता हटाउन सकिन्छ । हरेक धर्म, जातजाति, संस्कृति तथा क्षेत्रलाई समान सुविधा तथा पीडित तथा उपेक्षित समुदायलाई अतिरिक्त संरक्षण गर्न देशको अंशबन्डा जरुरी छैन । नत केन्द्र र इकाइ सरकारलाई परस्पर स्वतन्त्र तथा समकक्ष बनाउन जरुरी छ । प्रजातान्त्रिक संगठन र कानुनी राज्यको परम्परा कमजोर हु“दै गएको मुलुकमा संवैधानिक क्लिष्टता वा सत्ता बा“डफा“डले देशको पुनःनिर्माणमा जटिलतामात्र थप्न सक्छ । मुलुकको विकेन्द्रीकरण कार्यक्रम अर्न्तर्गत वर्षोनि सरकारबाट विनियोजित पा“च-सात लाख खर्च गर्ने क्षमता नभइसकेको गाउ“घरलाई संघीयता कति सजिलो होला अनुमान गर्न सकिन्छ ।
प्रा वाट्सका विचार धेरै प्राज्ञिक छन् । उनले नेपालको भू-राजनीतिक स्थितिलाई उक्त अन्तर्वार्ता तथा उनले जीटीजेट तथा युएनडीपीद्वारा आयोजित कार्यशालामा प्रस्तुत गरेको कार्यपत्रमा विवेचना गर्न भ्याएनन् । छिमेक असल हु“दो हो त नेपालले हालको दुरवस्था खप्नुपर्ने थिएन । मुलुक भित्रको आतंकवाद वा औपनिवेशिक चलखेल कसले धान्न सक्छ सधैं - यो पक्ष उचित मूल्याङ्कन गर्दा संघीयताबारे धेरै दाबी यसै खुकुलो भएर जानेछन् । यस स्थितिमा संघीयता केवल बोकाको मुखमा कुभिन्डो चरितार्थ नहोला र -
Posted on: 2008-03-24 22:05:13
http://www.kantipuronline.com/kolnepalinews.php?nid=141810
The Kantipur Daily, March 25, 2008 (Chait 12, 2064)
क्यानाडाको क्विन्स विश्वविद्यालयका प्राध्यापक रोनाल्ड वाट्सको 'एकात्मक राज्यप्रणाली विखण्डनकारी हुन्छ' शर्ीष्ाकमा दि काठमाडौं पोष्टमा छापिएको एउटा अन्तर्वार्ताले धेरैको ध्यानाकर्षा गरेको छ । संघीयताका विद्वान र अनुभवी वाट्सको दाबी के छ भने जात, धर्म, जातीयताका आधारमा नभए पनि जनसंख्या, भूगोल, आर्थिक विकासजस्ता विविध आधारमा नेपाललाई संघीय संरचनामा बदल्न सकिन्छ । उनको भनाइमा विखण्डन रोक्न संघीयता जरुरी छ । यसो त विखण्डनका आन्दोलन संघीय राज्यमा पनि भएका छन् । यसै आधारमा मात्र मुलुकको संविधान एकात्मक हुने वा संघीय हुने विवेचना गरिनु हु“दैन । यसबाहेक पनि वाट्सका अन्य भनाइ नेपालका लागि कति सान्दर्भिक छन्, यकिन गर्न जरुरी छ ।
संघीयता आफैंमा नराम्रो प्रचलन होइन । विश्वका करिब दर्ुइ दर्जनबाहेक सबै मुलुकमा एकात्मक राज्यप्रणाली छ । कतिपय मुलुक पर्ूण्ा प्रजातान्त्रिक छन् र आर्थिक विकासका दृष्टिले प्रगतिशील पनि मानिन्छन् । संघीयता अपनाउने मुलुकमध्ये पनि मलेसिया तथा भारतजस्ता आधाभन्दा बढी मुलुकको शक्ति विभाजन केन्द्रीयताको पक्षमै देखिन्छ । औंलामा गन्न सकिने देशले मात्र राज्य र संघलाई समान हैसियतमा स्वीकार गरेका छन् । तथाकथित आत्मनिर्ण्र्ााो अधिकार ग्यारेन्टी गर्ने मुलुक
दर्ुलभ छन् ।
प्रचार-प्रसार गरिएजति एकात्मक शासन लोकप्रिय शासन प्रणाली होइन भन्ने दाबी शंंकास्पद मान्नर्ुपर्छ । स्पेन तथा बेल्जियमजस्ता देशले आफूलाई निश्चित राजनीतिक यथार्थका आधारमा संघीयतामा परिणत गरेको सत्य हो । परिवर्तित अवस्थामा पनि उनीहरूम्ााझ एकात्मक विशेषता नभएका होइनन् । कपडाको जुत्ता लगाउने कि छालाको भन्ने प्रश्नको निरूपण कुनै पनि देशको धरातलीय यथार्थका आधारमा गरिनर्ुपर्छ । त्यस आधारमा नेपालले संघीयतामा हामफाली हाल्नुपर्ने कुनै विशेष आकर्षा छैन ।
संघीय शासन पद्धति किन भन्ने उचित जवाफ भेटिएको छैन । नेकपा -माओवादी) को राजनीतिक कार्यक्रमको रूपमा सुरुदेखि स्थापित यो विषय हाल मधेसमुखी दलले ज्ाोडतोडले उठाएका छन् । उनीहरूका एजेन्डा बढी आक्रामक तथा सनातनी संघीयताको व्यवस्था - जस्तो संयुक्त राज्य अमेरिका वा क्यानाडा) तर्फउन्मुख प्रस्टै छ । यसका दर्ुइ कारण छन्, पहिलो, संघीयताको आधार भनेको राजनीतिक इकाइका रूपमा राज्यहरूको स्वतन्त्र अस्तित्व तथा आत्मनिर्ण्र्ााो अधिकार प्रयोग गर्न सकिने स्थिति हो । दोस्रो, विगतमा स्पष्ट आधार नभेटिए पनि ऐतिहासिक राजनीतिक इकाइको रूपमा आफूलाई स्थापित गराउने चाहना हो । अन्य दल मूलभूत रूपमा पछाडि परेका जाति तथा समुदायको सशक्तिकरणको उद्देश्यबाट निर्देशित देखिन्छन् । संघीयतै किन भन्नेमा उनीहरू दिग्भ्रमित छन् । मधेसमुखी दलहरूले संघीयतालाई सामरिक दृष्टिकोणले हेरिदि“दा उनीहरूका अप्ठेरा झन् दर्ुइ गुना बढेका छन् । कुनै पार्टर्ीीनि एकात्मक राज्य पद्धति विरोधी देखि“दैनन् । अहिलेको बाह्य प्रभाव र निर्देशित राजनीतिक वातावरणमा धान्नैपर्ने राजनीतिक कार्यक्रमका रूपमा संघीयता स्वीकार गर्न बाध्य देखिन्छछन् ।
एकात्मक राज्यकै रूपमा रहनु नेपालको राष्ट्रिय स्वार्थ अनुकूल छ । एकात्मकता राष्ट्रिय एकताको प्रतीक हो । एकात्मक राज्यमा दक्ष एवं कुशल शासन तथा नीति निर्धारण तथा राज्य सञ्चालन कार्य सजिलो हुन्छ । राष्ट्रप्रतिको निष्ठा तथा भक्तिलाई अंशबन्डा गर्नुपर्ने स्थिति हु“दैन । राज्य इकाइ र संघबीच शक्ति विभाजन दुर्बोध्य काम हो । मुलुकलाई विभिन्न राज्य इकाइबीच संर्घष्ाको घानमा हाल्नुु हु“दैन । संविधान तथा कानुनमा संशोधन पनि एकात्मक व्यवस्थामै सजिलो हुन्छ । अप्ठेरा परिस्थिति तथा विशेष अवसर तथा चुनौती सामना गर्ने क्षमता पनि एकात्मक सरकारमा बढी हुन्छ । र्
खर्चको हिसाबले अहिलेको परिपाटी संघीय परिपाटीभन्दा फाइदाजनक हुन्छ । शान्ति सुरक्षाजस्ता विषय र त्यसभन्दा पनि संकटकालीन स्थितिमा अहिलेको प्रणाली र्सवाधिक उपयुक्त हुन्छ । नेपाल आर्थिक विकासका सम्भावना तथा भूमण्डलीकरणको परिपे्रक्ष्यमा साहसी निर्ण्र्ाालिने क्षमतावान तथा फर्ुर्तिलो हुन आवश्यक छ । आज अमेरिका तथा क्यानाडा जस्ता देशले नया“ संविधान बनाउने हो भने यस्तो संविधान बनाउनेछन्, जसले शक्तिशाली केन्द्रीय सरकार सुनिश्चित गर्न सकोस् । त्यस्तो सरकारले मात्र राष्ट्रको सुरक्षा तथा प्रतिरक्षा गर्न सक्छ ।
नेपालमा नेपाली जातिको इच्छा र आकांक्षा परिवर्तनको बाहक हुनपाएको छैन । शदीऔंदेखि एकात्मक राज्यका रूपमा रहेको नेपाल तथा सामाजिक-आर्थिक तथा भावनात्मक रूपमा पनि अखण्ड राष्ट्रको स्वाभिमान स्थापित भइसकेको मुलुकको राजनीतिक धरातल बलपर्ूवक परिवर्तन गरी सिमान्तीकृत गर्नुपर्ने कारण बुझ्न सकिएको छैन । संघीयताको नाममा देशलाई दस चिरा पारेर यसबाट अक्षम राजनीतिज्ञ तथा संंकर्ीण्ा पक्षपोषकका लागि अवसर सिर्जना भने गर्न सकिन्छ ।
जतिसुकै ढिपी गरे पनि ऊबेलाको अमेरिकामाजस्तो नेपालीम्ाा राज्य वा समुदायहरूको संघीय राज्य बनाउने सांगठनिक क्षमता तथा त्यसलाई निर्देशन दिने जेर्फसन वा जेम्स मेडिसनजस्ता क्षमतावान नेता प्ानि छैनन् । हाम्रो राजनीतिक नेतृत्वको क्षमता, स्तर वा विवेक निकट भविष्यमै चमत्कारिक ढंगले बढ्ने सम्भावना पनि छैन । विभाजित राज्यप्रणाली समन्वय गरी एकताको सूत्रमा बा“ध्नसक्ने सांगठनिक क्षमता तथा नेतृत्व विकास हुन समय लाग्नेछ ।
प्रजातन्त्र विकासको औजार पनि हो । नेपालमा स्थानीय स्वशासनलाई धेरै वर्षेखि यसै अर्थमा हेरि“दैछ । कतिपय क्षेत्रमा राम्रा तथा उल्लेखनीय काम भएका छन् भने कतिपयमा सुधारका टड्कारा सम्भावना देखिएका छन् । एकात्मक स्वरूपभित्र राज्यको पुनःसंरचना हुनसक्ने तथा पीडित वा उपेक्षित जाति तथा समुदायको अधिकारको ग्यारेन्टी तथा स्थानीय स्वशासन गर्न सकिने स्थिति सधैं छ । उनीहरूले खोजेको समानता तथा सहभागिता कार्यान्वयन गर्न देशको शक्ति तथा सम्भावना निर्वाध प्रयोग गर्न सकिने स्थिति छ । यति हु“दाहु“दै पनि यो मुलुकलाई सम्झौताबाट स्थापित राज्यका रूपमा पुनःलेखन गर्न किन पर्यो, आर्श्चर्य लाग्छ । दलित, जनजाति वा मधेसीलाई सशक्तिकरण गर्ने उद्देश्य हो भने केन्द्रीय शासनको मूलधारमा उनीहरूलाई सिधै स्थापित किन गरि“दैन -
नेपाललाई एकात्मक राज्यको अवधारणामै विकास निर्माण गरिनर्ुपर्छ भन्नु अहिलेको राजनीतिक वा प्रशासनिक स्वरूपलाई निरन्तरता दिनर्ुपर्छ भन्ने होइन । सही कार्यका लागि कर्ुतर्कले जित्न आवश्यक छैन । क्षेत्रीय विकासका आवश्यकता तथा राष्ट्रिय एकतालाई स“गस“गै लान सकिन्छ । स्थानीय स्वशासन बलियो बनाई संघीयताका आधार निरन्तर प्रयासबाट बिस्तारै आर्जन गर्न सकिन्छ । स्थानीय स्तरमा र्सार्वजनिक कार्यहरूप्रति उदासीनता हटाउन सकिन्छ । हरेक धर्म, जातजाति, संस्कृति तथा क्षेत्रलाई समान सुविधा तथा पीडित तथा उपेक्षित समुदायलाई अतिरिक्त संरक्षण गर्न देशको अंशबन्डा जरुरी छैन । नत केन्द्र र इकाइ सरकारलाई परस्पर स्वतन्त्र तथा समकक्ष बनाउन जरुरी छ । प्रजातान्त्रिक संगठन र कानुनी राज्यको परम्परा कमजोर हु“दै गएको मुलुकमा संवैधानिक क्लिष्टता वा सत्ता बा“डफा“डले देशको पुनःनिर्माणमा जटिलतामात्र थप्न सक्छ । मुलुकको विकेन्द्रीकरण कार्यक्रम अर्न्तर्गत वर्षोनि सरकारबाट विनियोजित पा“च-सात लाख खर्च गर्ने क्षमता नभइसकेको गाउ“घरलाई संघीयता कति सजिलो होला अनुमान गर्न सकिन्छ ।
प्रा वाट्सका विचार धेरै प्राज्ञिक छन् । उनले नेपालको भू-राजनीतिक स्थितिलाई उक्त अन्तर्वार्ता तथा उनले जीटीजेट तथा युएनडीपीद्वारा आयोजित कार्यशालामा प्रस्तुत गरेको कार्यपत्रमा विवेचना गर्न भ्याएनन् । छिमेक असल हु“दो हो त नेपालले हालको दुरवस्था खप्नुपर्ने थिएन । मुलुक भित्रको आतंकवाद वा औपनिवेशिक चलखेल कसले धान्न सक्छ सधैं - यो पक्ष उचित मूल्याङ्कन गर्दा संघीयताबारे धेरै दाबी यसै खुकुलो भएर जानेछन् । यस स्थितिमा संघीयता केवल बोकाको मुखमा कुभिन्डो चरितार्थ नहोला र -
Posted on: 2008-03-24 22:05:13
Tuesday, April 29, 2008
“Knowing federalism as a concept is one thing; but devising it as a workable model for Nepal is quite another” – Bipin Adhikari
“Knowing federalism as a concept is one thing; but devising it as a workable model for Nepal is quite another” – Bipin Adhikari
http://www.nepalnews.com.np/contents/2008/englishweekly/spotlight/mar/mar14/interview.php#2
SPOTLIGHT, VOL. 27, NO. 27, March 14, 2008 (Chaitra 01 2064 B.S.)
A consulting lawyer and constitutional analyst, Bipin Adhikari is a keen observer of the ongoing transitional process in Nepal. The Commentatory on the Nepalese Constitution that he co-authored with other constitutional lawyers in 1998 remains an outstanding piece of work on the 1990 Constitution and Nepal’s experiment with constitutionalism. A doctor of constitutional law, Adhikari spoke to SPOTLIGHT about the issue of federalism that Nepal has been confronting in recent months. Excerpts:
How do you see the rule of law situation in the country?
It is undoubtedly pathetic. There is lawlessness, wariness and lack of due process everywhere. The concept of legality seems to have become a fairy tale.
Why is the situation like this?
There are many reasons. But this situation mainly owes to the system of unlimited government that has been installed in the country. It is bringing changes through means that are not legal or legitimate.
Some lawyers argue that there is already an interim Constitution and a representative legislature, although not elected, to check the government?
If constitutionalism merely meant having a written constitution, then virtually every country could claim to be constitutional, as every country that has a written Constitution does. The main question is – ‘does the interim constitution check anybody?’ ‘does it restrain exercise of power, protect our freedoms and safeguard our national interests?’ Constitutional institutions work when there are separation of powers, checks and balance, rule of law, judicial review, periodic elections, ombudsman and effective and independent constitutional bodies. The interim constitution is devoid of these institutions. It does not seek to prevent the government from abusing the power of the state. Everybody knows that it is not the legislature which decides; it only rubber-stamps what has been brought to it from outside.
What type of federal system you recommend for Nepal?
I don’t think there is any perfect model. Perfection is a goal. Even the countries like Canada and the United States, which have built on federalism as forerunners in this area have outstanding problems to be resolved. What India has achieved by now has also been achieved with continued dedication and commitment. It takes years to develop a workable system. You need sincerity and genuine commitment.
Do the 7-party government, the Maoists and other political constituencies have that sincerity and commitment …?
Is it not clear to you that the idea of federalism has come in Nepal not as a development tool, but as a strategic prescription from outside?
Ours has been a small unitary state since long. It has already developed enough historical, political, geographical, and emotional ties among our people. There are geographical, environmental and infrastructural realities behind the unitary character of the state. Our natural and cultural eco-system is so closely connected. Equally strong is the aspiration of our people to continue living as an independent and indivisible country, and with distinct national identity. This is not to deny the problems that we need to address. They are there. But it is not necessary to build on wrong arguments to establish a right case.
What is the right case then?
We need to continue with the unitary character of the state. The demand of the time is to identify the problems the unitary state has created in all subtleties, and then discuss whether federalism is what is necessary to deal with the situation; or there are other efficient ways to handle them. One must understand that federalism cannot be a remedy for all ills of our society. Especially, it is a hapless tool when the politicians are vile and have little national interest to protect.
What makes federalism different from the ‘devolution of power’ in your opinion?
There is nothing in words like ‘federalism’ and ‘devolution.’ The real issue is what do you want? What is your purpose? Do you want to take the country back to the 17th century Malla and Khas principalities in order to deal with issues that are smaller than the size of the remedy being prescribed? Or your purpose is only to bring those people and areas in the mainstream, which are still left behind in the process of our political development.
How do you see the British experience with devolution of powers? Can we learn something from them?
Well, we can always learn from those who have more experience and skills. The United Kingdom has historically been a unitary state with efforts to devolve power to its different territories according to the necessity. The powers of the central government have been devolved to Scotland, Wales, Northern Ireland, London and Elected Mayors according to their specific requirements. But there is a strong unitary character even now.
Can you elaborate further?
What I mean is devolution was not a part of a grand constitutional design in the UK; rather the approach in each case needs to be understood in relation to their situations. In fact, the devolution legislation has produced an asymmetrical distribution of powers in the country. For example, the extent of powers given to the Scottish Parliament and the Assemblies to Wales and Northern Ireland are different. The Northern Ireland Assembly has also lawmaking powers, but over more restricted policy areas. The form of London-wide government is different that both these types. By way of contrast, Wales has been closely integrated with England for the purpose of law and administration. They were very clear about their problems; and the solutions they fashioned were also case sensitive. Each devolution statute includes elaborate safeguards to prevent sovereignty from being undermined.
How is the relationship between the centre and the units coordinated in this scheme of devolution?
As far as I know, the coordination of administration between central and devolved government has been managed to a large extent without resort to legislation but by means of a series of informal agreements. But the system has been underpinned by a secure financial base. Each of these territories has been able to count upon a consistent overall level of funding. That has helped devolution significantly.
What is the alternative for Nepal then?
Knowing federalism as a concept is one thing; but devising it as a model that can satisfy all constituencies and can also work in practice is quite another.
Therefore, it is good to build on our own experience as a unitary state. It has always been a functioning system. There are some lessons learnt; and efforts could be made to reform it. Some interventions at the constitutional level to respond to some of our problems could be necessary. But most of the problems of devolution of power could be handled through an enhanced local self-government system. It can not only restrain exercise of power and protect our freedoms, but also make the transition manageable and safeguard our national interests. There is wisdom in the proverb – “a bird in the hand is worth two in the bush.”
http://www.nepalnews.com.np/contents/2008/englishweekly/spotlight/mar/mar14/interview.php#2
SPOTLIGHT, VOL. 27, NO. 27, March 14, 2008 (Chaitra 01 2064 B.S.)
A consulting lawyer and constitutional analyst, Bipin Adhikari is a keen observer of the ongoing transitional process in Nepal. The Commentatory on the Nepalese Constitution that he co-authored with other constitutional lawyers in 1998 remains an outstanding piece of work on the 1990 Constitution and Nepal’s experiment with constitutionalism. A doctor of constitutional law, Adhikari spoke to SPOTLIGHT about the issue of federalism that Nepal has been confronting in recent months. Excerpts:
How do you see the rule of law situation in the country?
It is undoubtedly pathetic. There is lawlessness, wariness and lack of due process everywhere. The concept of legality seems to have become a fairy tale.
Why is the situation like this?
There are many reasons. But this situation mainly owes to the system of unlimited government that has been installed in the country. It is bringing changes through means that are not legal or legitimate.
Some lawyers argue that there is already an interim Constitution and a representative legislature, although not elected, to check the government?
If constitutionalism merely meant having a written constitution, then virtually every country could claim to be constitutional, as every country that has a written Constitution does. The main question is – ‘does the interim constitution check anybody?’ ‘does it restrain exercise of power, protect our freedoms and safeguard our national interests?’ Constitutional institutions work when there are separation of powers, checks and balance, rule of law, judicial review, periodic elections, ombudsman and effective and independent constitutional bodies. The interim constitution is devoid of these institutions. It does not seek to prevent the government from abusing the power of the state. Everybody knows that it is not the legislature which decides; it only rubber-stamps what has been brought to it from outside.
What type of federal system you recommend for Nepal?
I don’t think there is any perfect model. Perfection is a goal. Even the countries like Canada and the United States, which have built on federalism as forerunners in this area have outstanding problems to be resolved. What India has achieved by now has also been achieved with continued dedication and commitment. It takes years to develop a workable system. You need sincerity and genuine commitment.
Do the 7-party government, the Maoists and other political constituencies have that sincerity and commitment …?
Is it not clear to you that the idea of federalism has come in Nepal not as a development tool, but as a strategic prescription from outside?
Ours has been a small unitary state since long. It has already developed enough historical, political, geographical, and emotional ties among our people. There are geographical, environmental and infrastructural realities behind the unitary character of the state. Our natural and cultural eco-system is so closely connected. Equally strong is the aspiration of our people to continue living as an independent and indivisible country, and with distinct national identity. This is not to deny the problems that we need to address. They are there. But it is not necessary to build on wrong arguments to establish a right case.
What is the right case then?
We need to continue with the unitary character of the state. The demand of the time is to identify the problems the unitary state has created in all subtleties, and then discuss whether federalism is what is necessary to deal with the situation; or there are other efficient ways to handle them. One must understand that federalism cannot be a remedy for all ills of our society. Especially, it is a hapless tool when the politicians are vile and have little national interest to protect.
What makes federalism different from the ‘devolution of power’ in your opinion?
There is nothing in words like ‘federalism’ and ‘devolution.’ The real issue is what do you want? What is your purpose? Do you want to take the country back to the 17th century Malla and Khas principalities in order to deal with issues that are smaller than the size of the remedy being prescribed? Or your purpose is only to bring those people and areas in the mainstream, which are still left behind in the process of our political development.
How do you see the British experience with devolution of powers? Can we learn something from them?
Well, we can always learn from those who have more experience and skills. The United Kingdom has historically been a unitary state with efforts to devolve power to its different territories according to the necessity. The powers of the central government have been devolved to Scotland, Wales, Northern Ireland, London and Elected Mayors according to their specific requirements. But there is a strong unitary character even now.
Can you elaborate further?
What I mean is devolution was not a part of a grand constitutional design in the UK; rather the approach in each case needs to be understood in relation to their situations. In fact, the devolution legislation has produced an asymmetrical distribution of powers in the country. For example, the extent of powers given to the Scottish Parliament and the Assemblies to Wales and Northern Ireland are different. The Northern Ireland Assembly has also lawmaking powers, but over more restricted policy areas. The form of London-wide government is different that both these types. By way of contrast, Wales has been closely integrated with England for the purpose of law and administration. They were very clear about their problems; and the solutions they fashioned were also case sensitive. Each devolution statute includes elaborate safeguards to prevent sovereignty from being undermined.
How is the relationship between the centre and the units coordinated in this scheme of devolution?
As far as I know, the coordination of administration between central and devolved government has been managed to a large extent without resort to legislation but by means of a series of informal agreements. But the system has been underpinned by a secure financial base. Each of these territories has been able to count upon a consistent overall level of funding. That has helped devolution significantly.
What is the alternative for Nepal then?
Knowing federalism as a concept is one thing; but devising it as a model that can satisfy all constituencies and can also work in practice is quite another.
Therefore, it is good to build on our own experience as a unitary state. It has always been a functioning system. There are some lessons learnt; and efforts could be made to reform it. Some interventions at the constitutional level to respond to some of our problems could be necessary. But most of the problems of devolution of power could be handled through an enhanced local self-government system. It can not only restrain exercise of power and protect our freedoms, but also make the transition manageable and safeguard our national interests. There is wisdom in the proverb – “a bird in the hand is worth two in the bush.”
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